Oromo Action Plan for the Liberation of Oromia and the Destruction of Abyssinia (Fake Ethiopia)

Dr. Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis
The present article is not an original, new text; it consists in the merge of eight articles first published in 2008. The text has been slightly modified, edited and updated. As the series was not completed, I will further expand in forthcoming articles in order to extensively describe the types of actions needed to be undertaken by independent average Oromos in view of the liberation of Oromia and the ultimate destruction of the monstrous colonial tyranny of Abyssinia, the world´s most racist and inhuman state. The present article consists of 21 units, as per below:

1. The Search for Oromo Leadership

2. A New Oromo Leadership: A Global First

3. Weaknesses of the Traditional Political Leadership

4. Identification of the Oromo Nation in 2010

5. Who is the enemy of the Oromos?

6. Local – Regional-level Foes

7. Authentic Oromos and Fabricated Amharas; the Total Opposition

8. Direct and Indirect Colonialism

9. Differentiation among Colonial Rulers

10. Anglo - French Colonial Establishment: Arch-enemy of the Oromo Nation

11. Millions of Oromo Leaders Organized in Independent Groups

12. Present Oromo "Leaderships" and their Inertia

13. Key Figures to Be Considered by All the Oromos

14. Biyya Oromo Independent – Whose Work Is It?

15. Groups of Oromo Liberation Activity – GOLA

16. Ground work

17. GOLA Security – Impenetrability

18. GOLA – Commitment

19. GOLA – Function

20. Basic Directions for GOLA Projects and Endeavours

21. Collection of Information Pertaining to the Oromo Nation

1. The Search for Oromo Leadership

I went very attentively through Mr. Abdulkadir Gumi´s article ´Oromos: unblessed with leaders´ and I do find it as an excellent opportunity to exchange with my friend some ideas and approaches in public. Mr. Abdulkadir Gumi is a young Borana Oromo political activist, who deserves great respect for the help he has offered to many Oromo refugees, penniless refugees, and undeservedly imprisoned asylum seekers. In an opinion editorial, Mr. Abdulkadir Gumi asserted that the Oromo Nation has currently no great caliber political leaders able to "rise above their village, clans, interest". Little matters whether I agree with the statement or not. Abdulkadir may be right in his comparisons with examples of African leaders, but I would like to pinpoint some yet unnoticed truths.

Point 1 – Worldwide lack of political (and not only) leadership

Searching worldwide, one can hardly find political leaders worthy of their titles. One can go through numerous editorials, analyses and even books about the subject. The issue is not quite new, but I would add that it gets continually deteriorated year after year, decade after decade. I came to first notice it in the 80s, when political commentators in Europe explained that the then generation of statesmen and politicians (Helmut Kohl, Hans Dietrich Genscher, Giulio Andreotti, Margaret Thatcher, James Callaghan, Francois Mitterrand, Jacques Chirac, Jimmy Carter, etc.) were of smaller caliber and poorer performance than the previous generation of European and American statesmen who reshaped Europe and America in the aftermath of WW II (Konrad Adenauer, Alcide De Gasperi, Winston Churchill, Harry Truman, Dwight Eisenhower, Charles de Gaulle, etc.).

I would add that ever since the same motif has been repeatedly employed within more specific contexts, academic, artistic, philosophical, spiritual, etc. Viewed as such, it is omnipresent in almost every era and every period of human civilization; only in few periods of zenith it is momentarily forgotten. This is the so-called ´concept of decadence´, according to which the past is always greater, higher, nobler, and consequently, more classic. People have always been familiarized with the concept that in the past ancestors were heroic, epic, and grandiose.

In fact, average people and political leaders change very little and their caliber is generally the same; what changes and in the process confuses our understanding is the era in which we live. Our acts and our thoughts, our quests and our hopes create instantly different contexts within which everything is viewed differently. Sometimes, this is also true, another context is truly a lower context, and then it would be impossible to expect greater thinkers, leaders, intellectuals and visionaries. The context is always reflected in the people who compose it, because they first express in it their deep thoughts, worries and perceptions.

Placing the subject within the context of our times, we can only agree with the approach; our era of conventionalism, materialism, relativism, conformism and subjectivism helps proliferate corrupt statesmen, crestfallen leaders, and conventional thinkers who are held captive of fallacies and forgeries that appear to them as awfully great and therefore impossible to challenge. These are the myths of our times that we avoid to demolish because this would deprive us of the hierarchical approval of our lethargic society where the manipulation is omnipresent and the fraud remains omnipotent.

Befallen societies – real, decomposed social corpses cannot by definition bring forth great leaders; when an overwhelming pan-sexism is matched with cynical individualism, which is measured in millions of dollars and reconfirmed by social bubbles, the so-called leaders and intellectuals are devoid of originality, in-depth knowledge, and humane understanding, let alone wisdom and erudition. Social solidarity takes then the form of soiree de gala whereby caviar and champagne do not allow the attendants to focus on the dramas of billions of impoverished and starving masses.

In the societies of the End, there will be no leader; not because there are not or there cannot be. But because by accepting to lead the present elites, they would defame to very concept of leadership – which they are certainly not ready to consent with. In fact, the situation observed by Mr. Abdulkadir Gumi among the Oromo society hinges on global developments of the last 50 years.

Point 2 - Political leadership and "realistic" solutions

Political leadership does not necessarily mean great personality, but effective delivery of realistic political solutions. This is a point of clash within some Oromo leaders; I believe some of them are truly great people who have been exposed to extreme experience opportunities and formed very strong personalities. The same concerns Oromo theoreticians, academics and intellectuals.

One must have a perspicacious sight in this regard; what is a value for these Oromo leaders and intellectuals is not necessarily a value for our present collapsed world. Delivery of realistic solutions by a political leader and statesman is conditioned by adequate acceptance of the values of the present world. Yet, one can be a great person and fail to deliver a realistic political solution; the measures of this world are such that impose debasement and ignominy as key to success.

People who insist on preserving their integrity have definitely poor chances to successfully deliver.

Point 3 – Political action results from correct plan and timing

Epicenter of efficient political leadership is the well-timed and correctly planned political action. This is not an easy task for leaders of organizations, fronts and movements that struggle for the national liberation of oppressed peoples. Most of them have grown in clandestine conditions without attending a school of political science, thought and action.

Many Oromo leaders of liberation fronts and organizations, before taking a vital decision, ignore the real dimensions of the issue concerned, and are not able to correctly evaluate whether their impending action´s timing is good or not. This can be remedied through collective forms of leadership and through further involvement of the Oromo academics in the various liberation fronts, organizations and associations.

There is a great number of Oromo academics and intellectuals, who except from serving as the oppressed nation´s scholarly assets, could definitely help Oromo political leaders renowned for their strong clandestine experience but also for their political unawareness. For the years ahead, it will be decisive to offer these Oromo academics and intellectuals key positions of councilors and advisors and let them define many non political and political aspects of the Oromo National Struggle for Independence.

In fact, all the Oromos must understand that the real fight starts now! It would therefore be wise to view the ´Oromia Tomorrow´ project from scratch and holistically. There is always time for a comprehensive plan, target prioritization, adversary targets´ analysis, and internationalization of the Oromo struggle for National Independence - which must make the headlines and the breaking news allover the world.

Point 4 – Oromo Voluntarism

At this moment, I will refer to an excellent sample of American voluntarism that is very closely affiliated with Oromo social stance; it is the classic quote from President John Kennedy´s inaugural address (20 January 1960):

"And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country".

This consists in the best answer to Mr. Abdulkadir Gumi´s call for great and honest Oromo leaders to appear. The best Oromo leaders are indeed the unknown Oromos, all those who spent time in jail, have been persecuted throughout Abyssinia, were mistreated by the Abyssinian agents of secret services abroad, and without losing their faith in the ultimate liberation and the rehabilitation of the Oromo Nation, they are ready to do all it takes to get it done.

This is not a figure of speech; it is literarily meant.

The aforementioned quote of the assassinated American President was said for citizens of an established country; for the homeless Oromos, the quote could be paraphrased into the following:

"And so, my fellow Oromos, ask not who will be your leader in the struggle for Independence; ask yourselves how you will be the leader in the struggle for Independence".

Instead of waiting known and unknown persons to perform and lead the Oromo Nation to Independence, the Oromo youth must truly understand that their contribution to the long desired objective of National Independence is as important as that of any leader.

Through political activism in a great number of fields, pioneering initiatives and proper political monitoring and analysis, young Oormos, acting within small nuclei and impenetrable groups, can exercise a great impact on all the liberation movements, fronts or organizations, and on their leaders.

2. A New Oromo Leadership: A Global First

This will truly be the transcendental approach to the existing need for Oromo leadership; instead of getting involved into endless discussions of the style "we did all we could", "no, you did nothing", "you are tribalists without future", "you want to impose political prevalence of one tribe when the others pay", "you are sectarian", "no, you got bribed in order to stay inactive", "you are wrong in willing to shape an alliance with those" "you are isolated from the rest" and a thousand of possibly true but utterly disastrous sentences like the aforementioned, the Oromos must reflect and emulate their traditions, culture, behavioural system, and historically attested identity.

Almost all the Oromos can be the leaders of the Struggle for Liberation of Oromia. Little matters whether finally some of them will be absent. In this series of articles, I will examine what and how the Oromos should act in order to trigger tremendous changes and momentous political developments that neither their vicious enemies, the racist ´Ethiopianist´ Amharas, nor any possible traditional Oromo leadership could ever outmaneuver, disregard, avert or avoid.

3. Weaknesses of the Traditional Political Leadership

Before proceeding systematically into methodological steps, one should stress a point:

Why is collective leadership, shared by thousands of Oromo political activists and social voluntarists, preferable to traditional political leadership?

I think one does not need much to underscore the importance of this seminal point. Traditional political leaderships involve leaders, and rely extensively on personal leadership. Personal leadership is the weakest point of a liberation struggle; this is not widely known. A person is easily exposed to influence, impact, pressure, demands, extortion, inducement, bribery and blackmail. A traditional leader is engaged in personal contacts, consultations and deliberations.

Consequently, one understands clearly that a traditional leader of a liberation front is exposed to the world of global power (involving mainly diplomacy, administration, military, and financial corporations); the liberation front´s objectives and deeds usually clash with interests of some parts of the world of global power, and then contacts are resumed in order to solve the issues.

In these contacts, the eventual liberation front leader is an extremely weak being compared with the professionals of the world of global power (be they a diplomat, a military, a Chief Financial Officer or a special envoy). Such is the difference that the few first attempts of enticement usually bring a wonderful result and the liberation front leader is then suitably ´bought up´.

There is more to it; the aforementioned eventuality is not immediately detected by the followers or the colleagues of the (already bought up) leader. He then proceeds smoothly (is even advised to do so by his ´buyers´ who now are called ´international support´) and in the span of a few months, he suddenly expresses a strange and unexpected suggestion; he may then influence all the rest or he may not. But even before that, the change is detected by the opponents of his earlier interlocutors. Who are they? Well, practically speaking, anyone belonging to another part of the world of global power. Do not view this situation necessarily limited within the frame of a well known concurrence in Africa, such as US – China, Europe – China, US – Europe; it can be an internal European or American group of power that is opposed to the one that first contacted and bought the liberation front leader.

What happens in this case is a counter-negotiation, a counter-blackmail, and a counter-bribery; with more money in his pockets (I am sorry, rather read Swiss bank accounts), the leader acts differently and accommodates himself in another country. With all the divisions that the new situation may create, as the world of global power has enough money for all; when colleagues separate from leaders there is always an enticement – counter-enticement issue involved.

Few leaders have today the strength of Che Guevara; people become smaller when the world of global power becomes stronger. Usual thoughts of today´s liberation front leaders, who have been bought up, are theoretical questions like the following:

Why being assassinated, when one can live a nice and comfortable life, have position, climb up to a world class respectability, and even hear acclaim and finally enjoy posthumous fame?

One could expand up to the level of an encyclopedia on this execrable issue that delineates the world corruption just ´minutes´ before an excruciating disaster sends all these illegal and inhuman interests to the Hell they deserve, but this is not the subject of this article.

From the aforementioned it becomes clear that collective leadership, established out of simple people who first situated the center of their activities in small independent cells of work before merging them, can avoid the entire chapter of enticement and blackmail attempted by the world of global power at the prejudice of personal leadership. Simple people, who worked in simple groups of volunteers and all together meet the representatives of the world of global power, automatically cancel the possibility of these shameful representatives to act in their customary way.

Let´s study a hypothetical, yet possible case. If 10 representatives of a union of activists´ groups meet with one or two French or English diplomats, what sort of colonial tactics can be attempted? They will reject the bribe offered (if the offer is ever expressed) and thus they will effectively interrupt the shameful negotiations. The representatives of the world of global power will be in total despair because they will have no means to influence this union of activists´ groups as the personal contact and the evil exercise of enticement and blackmail practices would prove to be impossible. The representatives of the world of global power become powerless if they cannot isolate one person out of an entire group or union of groups. With the 10 representatives rejecting the bribe, the representatives of the world of global power would not know whom to contact and how to influence this headless union groups. They would have to interfere in more expensive, painful or uncomfortable ways; their bias would be then revealed more easily.

There is more to it; before reaching the level of being convoked by some representatives of the world of global power, the union of activists´ groups will have already done tremendous work which would be absolutely disproportional to the fainéant and indolent pseudo-leaders of the traditional political leadership. Absolutely colossal work can be done, and will have been done even before the level of the establishment of the union of activists´ groups; the essential and background work must be done first, and will have to be done by the activists´ groups and isolated cells. Never forget, the representatives of the world of global power very often ask their puppets precisely this: to stay inactive. This helps tremendously their agendas at times.

This has very prejudicial side-effects. If one considers the work that needs to be done and the work that has been done by all the existing Oromo liberation fronts, one realizes automatically why Oromia has not yet been liberated. The detrimental comparison (certainly less than 1%) is due to the fact that the indolent leaders render the entire Oromo Nation indolent as well. Why bother if you think that a leader and an organization will manage it altogether? Relax! Contemplate the wonderful lines of the Oromia mountains´ peaks in the horizon, and expect the liberation to fall from the sky!

On the contrary, if you know that the liberation of your country is simply your own affair – and none else´s – then you are bound to act, ceaselessly, passionately and whole-heartedly. And who is the Oromo who would not give everything to see the black – red – white flag in the UN General Assembly?

4. Identification of the Oromo Nation in 2010

Before going ahead with the necessary fields of Oromo grassroots revolutionary cells and groups of work, we have to make a clear-cut demarcation of who can be members of such a group. In fact, only Oromos, either in Oromia or the Diaspora, can be members in these cells. Who can be considered as Oromo native in 2008?

Every person whose origin involves an Oromo father and/or mother, every person who speaks Afaan Oromo as native language, and every person who in addition to the aforementioned conditions is totally committed to the Struggle for the National Liberation and Independence of Oromia is an Oromo. Abiding by Gadaa social and behavioural values, rules and activities is imperative, and if for any possible reasons some Oromos may have partly or totally forgotten, neglected or abandoned Gadaa, related training and education must be offered to them – which is one more concern for the activists´ groups.

In addition to the aforementioned compulsory and incontrovertible conditions of Oromoness, one should provide for the integration within the Oromo society of all the people married with Oromos, and of their children, as long as they abide by the second and the third of the previous three conditions. Abiding by Gadaa values, rules and activities is always imperative, and related training and education must be offered to them as well.

Furthermore, for people exposed to and victimized by racist policies of assimilation, carried out by Oromos´ enemies who targeted the diachronic existence of the Kushitic Oromo Nation, there must be a provision. As result of the criminal anti-Oromo policies imposed tyrannically over the span of the last ca. 130 years, several Oromo natives lost their Afaan Oromo linguistic skills and even their identity. They should undergo – if this is explicitly demanded by them – an intensive course of Oromo identity rehabilitation which will also be a matter of concern and endeavour for the activists´ groups. They will have to learn Afaan Oromo, integrate themselves within exclusively Oromo social and professional context, and adhere to one of the two traditional Oromo religions, Waaqeffannaa or Islam. Not only a concern for their Oromization must be shared, but a vivid effort of de-Amharanization must be applied (upon their request), and their rejection of any element of the terrorist, racist theory of ´Ethiopianism´ must be total and absolute. Abiding by Gadaa values, rules and activities is imperative for them too, and related training and education must be offered to them. Under these conditions, and following their 18 to 24 months long training, they could be considered Oromos, and then participate in the Oromoo activists´ cells and groups of volunteers.

Finally, a provision must be made for the eventual Waaqeffannaa proselytes, and all those who may find in Waaqeffannaa a system of beliefs and practices that suits their mindsets and visions best, under condition of learning Afaan Oromo, and permanently ascribing themselves to Oromo social values, rules and activities (Gadaa).

Before focusing on the ways to establish Oromo cells of political activists and social volunteers, we must analyze a critical point; the lack of independence for the entire nation is not the result of mere coincidence. Real, criminal enemies have existed and are currently active against the Oromo Nation. No success will ever mark a socio-political project if foe identification is neglected or undermined.

5. Who is the Enemy of the Oromos?

This question can be phrased only by true Oromos; this means that not a single individual, who does not see his life purpose included in the effort for the Liberation – by all possible means – and National Independence of Oromia, has the right to speak in this regard.

As we already stipulated, there may be people whose ancestry is only partly Oromo; however, one cannot accept them as properly speaking Oromos (either they speak Afaan Oromo or not), as long as they do not fully admit the National Need for Independent Oromia and do not acknowledge that for them top life priority is the Liberation – by all possible means – of Oromia.

Consequently, people who are not Oromos, have no right to participate in the debate about Oromos, their liberation, and their enemies´ elimination. These pseudo-Oromos are alien, sick and evil elements that must be cut off from the Oromo Nation and adequately – and paradigmatically – punished.

In the same way an Englishman or a Russian will not tell the Georgians who their enemies are and what their national objectives should be, a non Oromo – by virtue of his rejection of, or opposition to, Independent Oromia – has nothing to say and should therefore be properly isolated.

In addition to the Native Oromos, historians and political scientists, analysts and commentators, fully committed to unadulterated truth and objective stance, have to participate in the national Oromo debate, and contribute to a critical political subject, such as the Oromos´ foe identification.

At this point, we must direct our analysis´ efforts to two different levels, first the local – regional platform, and second the regional – global arena.

6. Local – Regional-level Foes

Over the past few months, we observed an Abyssinian governmental effort to fuel disputes among Oromos inhabiting different parts of the occupied Oromia and other subjugated nations of the obsolete Abyssinian colonial state. There were clashes with the Sidamas, the oppressed nations of the Benishangul province, and others. Are these nations enemies of the Oromos?

This is a viciously setup trap; these nations have been incorporated in the obsolete Abyssinian colonial state without their political willpower and personal determination.

Other tyrannized nations are not enemies.

These oppressed nations have been forced to accept the reality of their lands´ invasion, their historical rulers´ and leaders´ physical annihilation, their properties´ confiscation, their houses´ destruction, their ancestors´ assassination or slavery, and their culture´s, religion´s and language´s prohibition. In brief, they have lived a dark national and personal experience similar to that of the Oromos.

Their socioeconomic and political manipulation by any Abyssinian tyrannical administration helps only further victimize them; the Oromos must understand that since they form the largest nation within the colonial hell Abyssinia (fallaciously re-baptized ´Ethiopia´), the criminal tyrannical rulers will certainly try repeatedly to oppose them by using all possible means – not only the governmental oppression.

1. Tigray Monophysitic (Tewahedo) Abyssinians are not enemies.

Many analysts and commentators use the term ´Tigray-led´ to describe Meles Zenawi´s tyrannical administration. There is no doubt about the origin of the Abyssinian dictator; equally, there is no doubt about the increased proportion of Tigrays hired and present in Abyssinia´s public administration. Under conditions of democratic rule, the Tigrays should not outnumber the Ogadenis hired in the public sector, ´elected´ in the parliament, and appointed in the government and the military, as the two nations´ total population comprised within Abyssinian borders is the same.

It would be inaccurate to identify the entire Tigray nation with Meles Zenawi´s tyrannical administration. First of all, the Tigrinya and Tigre speaking people live in great numbers outside Abyssinia, forming the majority of Eritrea.

Second, the Tigray Muslims, who represent a significant portion of the Tigray nation, are systematically persecuted in Abyssinia, and methodically kept out of the government.

Third, and more importantly, the Tigrays, as an independent nation with different identity, historical heritage, culture and traditions, are equally targeted by the state-imposed, historically false, and politically racist dogma of ´Ethiopianism´, which was setup by the Amhara Monophysitic Abyssinians in order to ensure the criminal project and evil plan of the assimilation (amharanization) of all the subjugated nations of Abyssinia with the Amharas.

In a way, Tigray traitor Meles Zenawi contributes to an Anti-Tigray, Anti-Abyssinian racist theory that greatly and irreparably damages his own nation. The same concerns all his followers, as well as every Tigray ascribed to the evil theory of Ethiopianism which is promoted by the Ethio-fascist crooks of Kinijit and Ginbot-7, Hitler´s children in Africa.

But there are Tigrays who reject the evil Amhara racism and their bogus-historical dogma, and Oromos must reach out to them and setup structures of future cooperation to comprehensively destroy Ethiopianism, and isolate the evil Amhara racists.

2. Amharas: the Insidious Invaders, Criminal Settlers, and Monstrous Tyrants

Before explaining why the Amharas consist in the focus of evil and anti-Oromo criminality, I want to quote an excellent study carried out by Sandra F. Joireman and Thomas S. Szayna, researchers of the Rand Corporation, who drew pertinent conclusions as regards the nature of the Amhara ideology, as ´insidious´: (http://www.rand.org/pubs/monograph_reports/MR1188/MR1188.ch5.pdf):

"The long stretch of Amhara leaders in Ethiopia has led to two inaccurate and insidious ideas among the Amhara. The first is the association of a particular Amhara "type" with the definition of Ethiopian: by this notion, an "Ethiopian" is a slight, light-skinned, Christian, Amharic-speaking farmer. The second is a sense of manifest destiny: an idea that the Amhara are somehow ordained to rule a "Greater Ethiopia." These ideas are insidious because they give no quarter to the majority of the population who do not fit this "type" linguistically, religiously, or ethnically". (p. 12)

7. Authentic Oromos and Fabricated Amharas; the Total Opposition

The historical reality is simple and easy for all the Oromos to learn, understand, admit and thence use as basis for their political orientation. It is encapsulated in the foreign points:

1. Oromos and Amharas originate from different ethno-linguistic groups which opposed one another over the ages; the former are the descendants of the indigenous Kushites, the real ancient Ethiopians who developed a most ancient and illustrious civilization on the Nile´s banks in Northern Sudan (the real Ethiopia of the Ancient Greek and Latin sources) from the 3rd millennium BCE down to the middle of the 2nd millennium CE (involving three great Ethiopian Christian states, Nobatia, Makuria and Alodia). The Amharas are an Ancient Yemenite, Semitic, offspring that crossed the Red Sea and settled in the Eastern African coastland of today´s Eritrea before expanding in the inland.

The difference between Amharas and Tigray Abyssinians may even reflect different Yemenite settlements in Eastern Africa, but the Ethiopian Kushites had been in constant conflict with the Abyssinians even before the Abyssinian invasion of Ethiopia (Northern Sudan) and destruction of Meroe (the last pre-Christian Ethiopian capital) at 360 CE.

2. African Oromo Kushitic opposition to the Abyssinian Semitic presence in Africa is noticeable throughout the Christian, Islamic and Modern periods of Eastern African History. Quite characteristically, although Christian Abyssinians invaded Meroe, they failed to be accepted by the indigenous Ethiopians, the ancestors of the Oromos, and to diffuse Christianity in the Nile´s valley. Christianity was diffused in Ethiopia (Ancient Sudan) through Egypt.

3. The interconnection between the three Christian Ethiopian states and Christian Abyssinia was minimal, if not inexistent, until the demise of the Abyssinian Axumite state in the advent of Islam (ca. 650).

4. The three Christian Ethiopian states survived during the first period of Islamic expansion, whereas Christianity in Abyssinia was demolished with the rise of Islamic control over the Eastern African coastlands in the Red Sea area. The contacts between the isolated remnant of inland Axumite Abyssinia with the three Christian Ethiopian states were very limited.

5. The rise of the Kushitic Agaw Christian dynasty in the middle of 10th century in a small part of the present Tigray and Afar provinces´ territory helped Christianity survive in Abyssinia, but it consists in an abrupt dynastic, cultural, and national discontinuity. The Christian Agaw state was small and equally isolated. It resumed few contacts with the two Christian Kushitic Ethiopian states (Nobatia and Makuria merged to confront the Islamic pressure in 10th century Upper Egypt, whereas Alodia was comfortably far). However, it was deeply reviled by the disparate, revengeful Abyssinian elements that were wisely kept out of control. It finally collapsed because of their conspiracy.

6. The subsequent rise of the barbaric, criminal, adulterous, and evil pseudo-Solomonic dynasty in the 13th century opened the gates of the Hell for a multitude of civilized African nations who – with the Agaws first – became the target of the criminal Amhara forgers who introduced the counterfeit, spurious theory that the Axumite Abyssinians king had descended from the Biblical Queen of Sheba, an unhistorical Ancient Yemenite ruler (known as Balqis in the Islamic traditions that reshaped the Biblical and the Talmudic references), and the Ancient Israelite king Solomon.

7. There is not a single pre-Agaw or Agaw evidence (religious-historical, archeological or philological) that pre-Christian and Christian Axumite Abyssinians had ever believed that they had any sort of connection with the mythical Yemenite queen and the historical Hebrew king. It is all a criminal lie that kills millions of humans, and enslaves and tyrannizes all the rest who may come to an encounter with it.

8. This bastard theory reflected the projection of illegitimate needs of the Semitic Amharas on the Kushitic Agaw throne, and was used as political ideology by the theocratic, lunatic Amhara kingdom´s elite in their effort to serve and promote their heinous, utterly inhuman and antihuman objectives, namely Anti-Islamic hatred, Anti-African odium, and systematic barbarization and assimilation of all the Eastern African nations.

9. Following historical clashes with Christian and Muslim nations (Agaw, Afars, Somalis, Hadiyas), the Amharas – who did not bother to save the ailing Christian kingdom of Alodia (the last Christian Ethiopian kingdom in Sudan) when it was (ca. 1500 - 1520) attacked by the Funj Muslims – engaged in confrontation with the Oromo Nation, which lasted for centuries before the Oromos were (almost in their entirety) enslaved by the Abyssinians.

10. A pattern of the utmost importance in this confrontation is the persistent Amhara malignancy to act in premeditated manner matched with hypocrisy, duplicity, mendacity and to intentionally target the very existence of the Oromo Nation.

11. The fact that during the long historical process some disoriented, deceived or disenchanted Oromos entered into any sort of contact and relationship with the Amharas, involving even royal marriages, does not change in anything the reality that for every Amhara action and/or initiative there has always been a proven Amhara plan of racist, anti-Oromo nature, which was unveiled after each planned event had been unfolded.

12. The eventuality of a half-Oromo ancestry for an Amhara ruler means nothing but an Amhara Anti-Oromo plan. It would be otherwise only if, due to the eventual half-Oromo ancestry, the Amhara ruler denied the heretic, pseudo-Christian Monophysitic Abyssinian Church and introduced Waaqeffannaa religion among the Amharas.

If such an action had been taken, then we could have discussed about the fair and bi-dimensional character of the relationship between the two nations. When an Oromo gets absorbed within the Amhara socio-behavioural system (do not call it ´culture´), he / she becomes a non-issue and a non-subject for the Oromo National History.

13. Part of the Amhara pseudo-royal obscenity was the permanent practice to force marriages between people of supposedly noble origin and vulgar felons to enable the permanence of the theocratic control over the supposed ´palace´ of the Amhara Abyssinia. The practice started with the first pseudo-king of the bogus-Solomonic "dynasty", Yekuno Amlak, who was the son of nobody, but was presented as the descendant of the last king of Axum, which would make even chimpanzees laugh!

14. On all this background, 13 – 14 decades of deliberate, coldhearted genocide perpetrated against the Oromos by the Amhara invaders, the terrorist Amhara settlers, the notorious Nafxagna, and the accompanying cruel soldiers was added to irreversibly stamp an irreconcilable relationship, which will end only with the liberation of the Oromos, the total separation of the two nations, the expulsion of the Amhara settlers from Finfinnee, Shoa and Gojjam, and the UN patronage of the two separate states´ relationship.

The Amhara anti-Oromo animosity reflects today a 2-millennium long opposition between the indigenous, African, Kushitic Ethiopians and the emigrant, Semitic, Yemenite Abyssinians. It should however be clearly understood that the Amharas are not the only enemy of the Oromos. Simply, the propinquity makes them more reviled.

For a subjugated nation, a faraway enemy can be more harmful and perilous; one can generally call the case ´colonialism´; however, this phenomenon is vast and nuanced. There can be direct and indirect colonialism. This is one point; the other point is that not all the colonial powers have been equally detrimental to the colonized peoples. It is essential to illuminate these two point before proceeding with the identification of the Oromos´ regional – global enemies.

8. Direct and Indirect Colonialism

Yemen, as integral part of the Islamic World for no less than 900 years, became normally an undisputed province of the Ottoman Empire, when the Sultans of Istanbul became Caliphs, and the Ottoman forces arrived in Yemen. Colonialism in Yemen started in the 1830s with the British invasion of Aden in their vicious plan of encircling and destroying the Islamic Caliphate – quintessence of the Islamic World. This example is a typical direct colonialism. The departure of the British brought an end to the direct colonial rule.

The British had also colonized the Ottoman province of Sudan in the second half of the 19th century; but to do this, they involved the Egyptians who were by then under a particular regime of a Viceroy who was nominally subject to the Ottoman Empire (as Egypt had been an integral part of the Caliphate for almost 300 years / 1517 – 1798) and essentially controlled (and therefore colonized) by the combined colonial forces of France and England. The military and economic presence of Europeans in Sudan was pseudo-legitimized by the idiotic cooperation of the Viceroy (Khedive), who was not even an Egyptian but Albanian of descent. This case is a composed, indirect and direct colonial, regime.

In the case of the colonial Abyssinian expansion at the prejudice of numerous African nations which lost their independence in the process, we have sheer French and English offer of support, technical assistance, financial aid, military know how transfer, and key intelligence info handed over the Abyssinian tyrannical rulers.

Both, France and England, wanted Abyssinia to expand colonially in order to

1. contain the Italian colonial expansion in the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa region, and

2. balance their own colonial expansion in the aforementioned area. The French were pushing from the West (Sahara and the territories of today´s Central African Republic and Chad), and the English were trying the establish a colonial axis from the North to the South of the Black Continent.

Consequently, the nations that have been subjugated by the Abyssinians, have been indirectly colonized by the British and the French. This is a key point to take into consideration.

In fact, indirect colonialism can last longer and take different forms; England colonized India, and after more than 200 years of colonial conspiracy, presence and rule, the English left. By dividing their previous colony, through a disreputable UN involvement, into many countries, the English managed that an entire nation, the Baluchs, be divided among three states, namely Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan.

The treatment that the Baluchs have received within Pakistan is purely colonial, but the direct colonial presence of the Pakistani authorities in Baluchistan does not minimize in anything the indirect – still present – English colonialism.

A similar case can be noted in NW Africa, whereby the ongoing, indirect French colonialism left the Kabylian Berbers without a state.

9. Differentiation among Colonial Rulers

Colonialism itself is a vast issue that does not belong exclusively to modern periods of the History of the Mankind. In the Antiquity, we easily identify Egyptian, Phoenician, Assyrian – Babylonian, Aramaean, Persian, Yemenite, Greek, Hebrew and Roman colonies.

The reasons that bring the settlers to faraway places vary; from commercial motifs to military conquest, and from interest for exploration to flight due to tyranny, many varied motives bring people – sometimes in great numbers – to distant places.

In modern times, colonialism started with the efforts of the kings of Spain and Portugal to reach out to India in order to break the Ottoman monopoly over the commercial routes to the spices, fragrances, incense and other products of the Orient. Spanish colonialism proved to be extremely brutal as it took the form of intentional genocide of the Mayas, the Aztecs and the Incas, who were forced to Christianity.

Holland, France, and England followed on the Spanish and Portuguese colons´ footprints; contrarily, great maritime powers of the Mediterranean, like Genoa and Venice, remained confined within the same geographical area and gradually lost their significance. Although parts of Africa and Asia had been colonized by some of the five European colonial powers, first America was completely colonized (by Spain, Portugal, France, Holland, England and Russia), and then the competition was transferred in Africa where for centuries the Ottoman Empire controlled lands inhabited by Muslims that totaled an area of more than 8 million km2.

As all African Muslims (with the exception of the Moroccans, the Malians and other Muslims of the Western confines of Africa who were organized in at times sizeable states) from Algeria to Egypt to Somalia viewed the Sultan – Caliph and the Sheikh-ul-Islam as their political and spiritual leaders, we cannot possibly discuss of Ottoman colonialism.

In Africa, Western colonialism took an openly anti-Islamic form which has left an irreversible impact down to our days. Spain and Portugal had already expanded tremendously, that´s why their involvement in Africa was not momentous; however, Portugal´s involvement was early and critical as it saved the tiny Abyssinian state from extinction. Holland had great interests elsewhere; in Europe itself, Belgium was a Dutch colony, whereas faraway Indonesia was truly immense for the small European kingdom. In fact, Africa was the continent of the harshest Anglo-French competition. Italy and Germany were late newcomers, and the overall picture was completed with Portugal, Belgium and Spain.

Colonialism had more limited success in Asia; three great, old states, namely the Ottoman Empire (last but not final metamorphosis of the Roman Empire and its Oriental part), Iran and China were never colonized. Of course, the three countries were terribly weakened, as they were targeted by nearly all the then competing European colonial empires, Russia, France, England. With the aforementioned three empires, plus Germany, Austria-Hungary, Japan and the United States competing for a larger colonial portion in China, started WW I that was a shock for the 19th century colonialism.

It was absolutely duplicitous for the American establishment to fight so resolutely against the Spanish colonial empire in the last decades of the 19th century and humbly – and shamefully – agree with the expansion of the French and the English colonial empires at the prejudice of the Ottoman Empire in the aftermath of WW I.

With the demise of the colonial dreams of Germany, with the rise and the fall of the Japanese and the Italian colonial empires, with the transformation of the colonial empires to postcolonial authorities, and with the emergence and the dissolution of the Communist world, we were ushered into our global times.

How can we differentiate among the colonial empires?

There are two levels of evaluation, namely physical and socio-behavioural – cultural.

1. Physical Level

Brutality is a sign of insanity and inhumanity; wherever we attest a high degree, great extent and long duration of brutality, we realize that we face a merciless colonial empire ruled by cruel racists. This is the case of Spain in Mexico and Peru, this occurred in Tanganyika at the times of the German occupation, and this was encountered in the Eastern confines of Asia at the times of the Japanese empire. It is essential to add that the same brutality was employed by the Amharas against the Oromos, and by the Russians against the Uzbeks and the Turkmen.

2. Socio-behavioural – Cultural Level

Contrarily to the Spanish, German, Russian, and Japanese cruelty, the classical French and English colonialism is mainly directed against the socio-behavioural, cultural and national values of the colonized nations. Instead of killing or expelling anyone who opposed the colonial orders and rule, the French and the English deployed a great effort to socially infiltrate and culturally alter the subjugated nations. They extended this approach to the local elites, anticipating the logical social impact and ramifications of an advanced de-formation, de-education, and de-identification of the local elites.

The French and English approach targeted the colonized peoples´ national identity, historical heritage, cultural authenticity, religious traditions, socio-behavioural soundness, and proper existence. The approach is mainly French of concept and the English have been distant second in this regard. The French intentionally tried to turn all the colonized peoples – victims of the French expansionism and imperialism to mere copies of (certainly unauthentic) Frenchmen. They projected among the colonized nations prefabricated ideas – ´bon pour l´ Orient´ and tried to convince that allover the world ´culture´ is the French culture.

The English did not reach that level; however, they used the French effort in order to project general considerations of and viewpoints on the commercial – economic exchanges and the international economic order. This attitude ushered us into the world of global economy on which English liberalism rather than French dirigisme left a strong impact.

Italy – more preferable than Amhara Abyssinia for Oromos

Compared with the English and French colonial rule as it was exercised in a variety of Middle Eastern and /or African countries (such as Egypt, Sudan, Algeria, Lebanon and Morocco), Italy proved to be a far more human colonial power. Italian colonialism in Libya, Eritrea, Somalia and Abyssinia was rather an expression – not imposition – of Italian daily lifestyle.

Although Italy represents within the European continent a far older and far more determinant culture than France and England (Renaissance alone would reconfirm the aforementioned statement), the Italians did not force the Libyans or the Somalis to perceive the world as possible to view only through the eyes of Boccaccio or Dante, nor did they constrain them to share the esthetics of Michelangelo and Leonardo da Vinci.

In fact, the Italian humanist attitude can be attested in the return of the Axum stele (hawalti), and in the most recent deal with Libya, involving formal apology and reparations for the colonial occupation.

The English and the French reactions against the pertinent Berlusconi – Qadhafi deal, as encapsulated in numerous articles in the world press (f. i. http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1838014,00.html), demonstrate the evil and racist nature of the French and English establishments.

It is essential for every Oromo activist and political volunteer to understand that tactical mistakes have been made in the past; when the Italian colonials attacked Abyssinia in 1936, they did not represent a threat against the Oromos, the Afars, the Sidamas and others, but a menace against the evil monarchical state of Abyssinia, and its cannibalistic pseudo-king Haile Selassie.

In fact, at those days, the Abyssinian invasion of Oromia had just been completed, and the last king of Jimma had died before just 4 years (1932); it was too early for the Oromos to have formed a strong resistance organization and liberation front. If this had been the case, an alliance between the Oromos and the Italians (stronger than the rather unmotivated cooperation of Abba Jofir with the Italian administration of the subjugated Abyssinia) could have brought liberation to Oromia in more rapid and anodyne way.

10. Anglo - French Colonial Establishment: Arch-enemy of the Oromo Nation

Why is the Anglo-French colonial establishment an enemy of the Oromo nation? Without understanding this reality, the Oromos have little to minimal chances to achieve national liberation and independence, as they will fail to identify their primary foe´s real motives.

The Anglo-French colonial establishment is selective and partial in its expression of political support; their American puppets, the pro-European part of the US establishment, are equally partial, and this has been repeatedly reconfirmed through proper study of their differentiation tactics. The recent story of anti-Zimbabwe hysteria is typical.

The ruler of Zimbabwe did not carpet bomb villages and towns of his country, but the Abyssinian cannibal Meles Zenawi did. However, the US and EU African policies and rhetoric are full of venomous focus for Zimbabwe but seem to be totally oblivious of the criminal practices of the Abyssinian tyranny. The US duplicity reaches the level of criminality for immoral and wicked elements like Jendayi Frazer, the disreputable accomplice of the Abyssinian butcher Zenawi.

The only US and EU policy as regards the Oromos involves the continuation of the barbaric and inhuman Abyssinian dictatorship and the prolongation of the tyrannical imposition of the fallacious, racist and Satanic dogma of ´Ethiopianism´. In other words, the Anglo-French colonial establishment definitely and passionately seeks the extinction of the Oromo Nation.

Why such evilness?

The issue to be plainly answered would involve a great number of volumes; it is essential for Oromos to understand the evil nature of the Anglo-French colonial establishment. In fact, it is wrong to confuse it with mainstream Christianity as many Islamists unfortunately do – misguiding themselves only.

The evil Anglo-French colonial establishment turned repeatedly against many Oriental Christians, and contributed greatly to the physical and spiritual genocide of the Aramaean Nation.

In fact, they would turn – with evil intention for ultimate extinction – against anyone, against any nation that by its existence consists in sheer rejection of their perfidious concepts and ideas, and in definite opposition to their messianic and eschatological plans and related practices.

More particularly with respect to the Oromos, the existence of the Gadaa system is a superb demonstration that the Western democracy (not as heralded and envisioned by the Enlightenment philosophers but as practiced in the 20th century) is a fake, tyrannical system whereby hidden groups of power can easily advance their agenda by perpetrating - in front of the outright majority of the otherwise blind societies - detrimental conspiracies that go unnoticed. The nature of the secret societies that control the Western world involves undetected, secret support and solidarity – expressed in public – among these societies´ members that are not identified by the rest as such (which would illustrate to all the rest the real motives behind their decisions and acts). In this way, with untied hands, members - initiated into conspiracies against the rest - support partially their ´brethren´ in order to facilitate the materialization of the objective of their secret society to put every social and political activity under control.

This abhorrent reality is in total contrast with the openness, the fairness and the humanity of the Gadaa system that does not leave space for secret groups of individuals to be formed as a cancerous tumor in the society.

An independent state ruled by the Gadaa system consists in a supreme danger for the Anglo-French colonial establishment; if average citizens and specialists of the Western world studied a society ruled by Gadaa, they would propagate its benefits among the Western societies and this could cause a thunder far more menacing that Lenin´s October revolution.

If the advantages, the morality, and the humanity of the open system became a reason for many to demand dissolution of the Western secret societies like the Apostate Anglo-French Freemasonic lodge, this would announce the beginning of the end for the Western World.

Even worse, within an Oromo state organized by Gadaa, the Anglo-French colonial establishment would fail to infiltrate and impose its norms, inflecting the international stance of the country, and dictating choices and decisions.

For them, the existence of a genuine Oromo state and society would gradually trigger their end.

On the other hand, an independent Oromia would be the first, ideologically and culturally Kushitic, state, and yet their perverse reading of the Bible makes them believe that they must never allow the descendants of Ham rule their countries.

The continuation of the slavery of the Kabylian Berbers in Algeria, Tunisia, Morocco and Libya clearly demonstrates their Anti-Kushitic empathy. This issue is vast, but here we can conclude that there will never be an independent Oromia, if Oromos fail to understand that the main adversaries they have to face are the manipulators of the Western societies: the Apostate Anglo-French Freemasonic Lodge.
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11. Millions of Oromo Leaders Organized in Independent Groups

There will never be one Oromo leader to bring liberation and national independence to the Oromo Nation. On the contrary, there will be many millions of Oromo leaders who will make it happen, and only thanks to them, Oromia will emerge again – and soon!

With the aforementioned in mind, I will proceed now in the main part of this recapitulative article in which I intend to emphasize that today´s Oromos do not need to spend time in describing possible wrongdoings of this liberation front or that movement for independence, do not need to waste time for pertinent or impertinent observations on the various Oromo leaders´ inconsistencies and eventual compromises, and do not need to wait from them anything in the future.

Relying on few or – even worse – one leader is essentially anti-Oromo, as it contradicts the responsibility in which every Gadaa member – of any age – is vested. Within democratic systems like Gadaa, it is important to always bear in mind that out of a 100-person group, 99 members have to carry out 99% of the total work, and nothing less than that.

In Gadaa, there is no – there cannot be a – leader from whom people await their ´salvation´; one (1) member of a 100-person group delivers 1% of the total work - eventually the hierarchically top 1% of the work, but that is all.

Expectations that someone else (be he the leader or the king) will deliver the bulk of the work, hopes that a miraculously capacitated person will do it almost all, and anticipations that without communal effort few leaders will get it done, are all genuinely anti-Oromo attitudes, concepts and approaches.

It´s rather preferable that the Oromos forget them as soon as possible.

12. Present Oromo "Leaderships" and their Inertia

If one views today´s Oromo political leaderships, one will be amazed by the existence of a huge number of leaders and the little, minimal, infinitesimal work done. The following questions will illuminate this critical ascertainment.

Question 1

Has ever a comprehensive, analytical list of Human Rights violations been established to classify – per type of activity – all the diverse oppressive policies carried out against the Oromo Nation?

Question 2

Has ever a comprehensive repertory been established to enlist in chronological order all the types of oppressive acts carried out against the Oromos - on daily basis?

Question 3

Has any Oromo liberation organization written down analytically all the aspects of the cultural genocide perpetrated against the Oromos by the successive (monarchical, pro-communist, and pseudo-republican) Amhara and Tigray Monophysitic Abyssinian regimes?

Question 4

Has any Oromo liberation organization presented a complete catalogue of every Abyssinian act that consists in desecration of the land of Oromia, involving the illegal building of Abyssinian churches, the prohibition of religious acts related to the Oromo religion (Waaqeffannaa), the profanation of holy shrines and holy places throughout Oromia, and other similar practices?

Question 5

Has any Oromo liberation organization compiled an analytical directory of the Amhara and Tigray Monophysitic Abyssinian anti-Oromo literature, plus a separate index of acts related to the dictatorial, tyrannical imposition of the aforementioned literature by the Abyssinian state (fallaciously called ´Ethiopia´)? It is clear that the directory should involve every historical falsification compiled by the racist and criminal Abyssinians and printed in school books and manuals for the primary and secondary education (either written in Amharic, Tigrinya, Afaan Oromo, Af Somali or Qafar af), magazines, reviews, newspapers, and books or presented in radio and TV programs.

Question 6

Has any Oromo liberation organization composed a list of Amharic and Tigrinya texts (selected among the aforementioned literature) that demonstrate (beyond the simple falsification level) the existence of a racist, anti-Oromo hatred among the Amhara and Tigray Monophysitic Abyssinians, and the subsequent systematic elaboration of purposefully adjusted historical falsification, geared to serve the evil target? One can expect several thousands of pages to be collected like that out of already existing literature– only to be duly submitted to the UN and the UNESCO.

Question 7

Has any Oromo liberation organization composed the Atlas of Amhara and Tigray atrocities as narrated by every single Oromo who lived a dreadful life experience in the form of violation of his/her Civil and/or Human Rights? What does it matter if this opus would necessitate more than one million (1,000,000) pages to be printed? Would this testimony be much less than all similar documents accumulated by tyrannized Jews in Nazi Germany?

Question 8

Has any Oromo resistance ´elite´ - around past and present Oromo leaders - worked in order to diffuse all the aforementioned documentation (assuming it is produced, of course!) to all governments, administrations, embassies, political parties, deputies, senators, international organizations, NGOs, cultural associations, academies, universities, colleges, unions of authors and intellectuals, educational and religious institutions, heads of municipalities, financial institutions and sizeable corporations of the world?

Recording the oppression, the odium, the barbarism, the inhumanity and the bestiality of the Amhara and Tigray Monophysitic Abyssinians, and diffusing the data, may constitute one axis of activities, but there is more than that to be done! One should therefore proceed through following questions.

Question 9

Has any Oromo liberation organization recorded the Oral Oromo Literature, the traditions, the narrations, the songs, the historical records, and the memoirs of the elders? Here, I do not mean academic recording for further ethnographical research; I simply stress the need of just writing down in Afaan Oromo what risks being lost with the disappearance of the elder generations. Records should encompass narratives about traditional professional activities (written down as performed on annual basis), social events and circumstances, private life dealings and actions, popular wisdom (proverbs, sayings, admonitions, and narratives), all types of prose and poetry, songs and dances, traditional beliefs and interpretations of natural, social and personal phenomena, description of traditions and customs.

Questions 10

Has any Oromo liberation organization collected memoirs of Oromo resistance and fight among simple people who participated in various phases of the Oromo efforts for national liberation? At this very moment, there are still alive a few Oromos, who may have lived as young children and/or adolescents at the times of Abba Jifar II (died 1932), and even more numerous Oromos who may remember details from the days of Abba Jofir (died in the 60s).

Every act related to the last Oromo kings should be recorded as kept in the memories of Oromo elders who are still alive. The memoirs of the Oromo Elders should be recorded in hundreds of volumes. With the emergence of the Internet, all the material can be available online with minimal cost (if compared to what would be needed in a printing house).

Useless to add here that this great work, if carried out, is – for all the Oromos – millions of times more important than the disreputable Amhara forgery of Kebra Negast.

Question 11

Have any Oromo liberation organization, with members fluent in English, French, German, Russian, Italian, Spanish, Chinese, Portuguese, Japanese, Hindi and other languages, undertaken translation projects for material related to the aforementioned questions 10, 9, 7, 6, 5, 4, 3, 2, and 1?

Question 12

Have any Oromo liberation organization, with members fluent in English, French, German, Russian, Italian, Spanish, Chinese and other languages, undertaken dictionary projects in the languages they are fluent in?

Question 13

Have any Oromo liberation organization undertaken a much needed anti-Amhara Monophysitic Abyssinian campaign at the Internet level, and more particularly at the level of Wikipedia where irrelevant, ignorant, and miserable forgers of Amhara and Tigray Monophysitic Abyssinian origin insist on diffusing a fallacious presentation of all entries related to ´Abyssinia´, ´Ethiopia´, ´Oromo´, ´Amhara´, ´Ethiopian History´, etc., etc., etc.?

Question 14

Has any Oromo resistance ´elite´ - around past and present Oromo leaders - worked in order to diffuse all the aforementioned (questions 9, 10, 11 and 13) documentation (assuming it is produced, of course!) to all governments, administrations, embassies, political parties, deputies, senators, international organizations, NGOs, cultural associations, academies, universities, colleges, unions of authors and intellectuals, educational and religious institutions, heads of municipalities, financial institutions and sizeable corporations in the world?

Question 15

Has any Oromo resistance ´elite´ around past and present Oromo leaders worked in order to help establish 10000 (ten thousand) websites of purely Oromo content? Am I exaggerating? Certainly not! If an Oromo does not believe that it is of vital importance for all the Oromos to launch for instance an independent website www.moti.com (where one would analyze - in Afaan Oromo and 10 international languages - the principles, the ideals the concepts of the Oromo royalty, its co-existence with Gadaa system, its dependence on Waaqeffannaa, its role as the beacon of Oromo noblesse, and the History of the Oromo Kingdoms, with maps), then certainly this Oromo will probably forget his Oromoness sooner or later.

13. Key Figures to Be Considered by All the Oromos

Most probably all the Oromos have heard about the Palestinians; another people, in another continent, in another occupied land. A people who already got a shadowy international recognition, not yet a seat in the UN Assembly General.

I do not want to establish parallels, suggest interpretative approaches or even discuss the ´Palestinian issue´. I want only to make a comparison between my search efforts in Google today.

For an estimated population of 12 million Palestinians (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Palestinian_people), which means less than one third (1/3) of the entire Oromo population (erratically, malignantly and vindictively reduced to just 30 million people by the criminal Amhara forgers who wrote the filthy, false and disreputable article of Wikipedia: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Oromo_people, although it oscillates between 37 and 43 million people, according to several trustworthy calculations), my Google search brought the following results:

Palestine 26.200.000 references

Oromia 159000 references

Palestinian 21.100.000 references

Oromo 1.580.000 references

Palestinians 5.410.000 references

Oromos 42100 references

I don´t know what your conclusions may be (spend some time, checking Google as number of references), but mine are direct, fast and clear: Oromia will not become independent under similar circumstances.

Not a single Oromo can possibly accommodate himself/herself with this dire reality – which can and will be reversed in order to let Oromia emerge among the world´s great nations (leaving aside the barbaric tiny Amhara state with less than 15 million people – contrarily to the filthy, false and disreputable article of Wikipedia: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Amhara_people that makes of them a bubble of 20 million).

It is sure that many among the aforementioned questions concern non-political issues, at least if we use the term ´political´ stricto sensu. This would make several people ponder whether it is necessary for a liberation front and resistance movements to encompass issues of cultural, educational, academic, intellectual, artistic, and religious order. They could eventually be right.

However, allover the world the interconnectedness between the strictly political and the cultural (including the educational, the religious, the academic, the intellectual, the artistic, and the religious) elements becomes stronger and stronger.

Even more so for the Oromos, as the political – economic tyranny to which they have been exposed is merely a reflection of cultural, educational, academic, intellectual, artistic, and religious tyranny, because the racist Amharas target the historical existence, the cultural integrity, and the national continuity of the Oromos, whom they want to absorb into the – worst than Hitler´s plans for the World Jewry – monstrous and bastard fabrication of the non-existing notion of ´Ethiopia´, the world´s most racist and most evil theory.

As it can be easily understood, the fact that a nation is not politically independent does not necessarily imply that their historical existence, cultural integrity, and national continuity are targeted. The Flemish are part of Belgium but their existence is not threatened.

This is not the same with the Oromos. Consequently, a sizeable part of the Oromo National Liberation Struggle will be fought on cultural, educational, academic, intellectual, artistic, and religious grounds.

14. Biyya Oromo Independent – Whose Work Is It?

Others may contend that the scope of the aforementioned 15 questions is so wide that only an independent state, the Kushitic Republic of Oromo Ethiopia, could possibly offer a creditable support for these projects. I would call this approach as the hypnosis of the highly suggestible, the hallucination of the greatly gullible, and the lethargy of the commendably coward.

There will never be a chance for an independent Biyya Oromo to come to exist if the aforementioned projects are not undertaken.

Please do not misread me; I say ´undertaken´, not ´completed´. On the other hand, I have to stress that I did not say that an independent Biyya Oromo will come to exist, only through these projects; there has to be clandestine movement, manifestations, riots, attacks on military camps, an entire revolution. But the aforementioned projects consist in an indispensable phase of preparatory work. They set the strong foundations on which the national independence struggle will be placed, involving military clashes between Oromo rebels and the regular army of tribal Amhara and Tigray gangsters.

Finally, some will maintain that the various Oromo liberation fronts, resistance movements and political parties, even if they wanted, could not possibly hire the employees needed to carry out this wide range of groundbreaking endeavours. They are right; the only able to undertake this momentous effort are the Oromos in their entirety.

Oromia will be liberated by them, and only partly the credit will go to the liberation fronts, the resistance movements and the political parties. There are millions of Oromos who need no money, no salary and no reward to engage themselves in the most noble effort for the Oromia Independence and Renaissance. Their recompense will be the new great African state, the Kushitic Republic of Oromo Ethiopia.

To reach this destination any Oromo who wants to contribute to the great effort must have ready his mind, his culture, his background, his body, as well as the time and the money he can spend; the latter will be of minor importance.

The vehicle to take the Oromos to the Independent Biyya Oromo is called GOLA, which means ´section´ in Afaan Oromo; it will stand in English as the initials for ´Groups of Oromo Liberation Activity´.

How the GOLA will be incepted, how they will function, and how they will keep Amhara intruders faraway we will discuss immediately.

15. Groups of Oromo Liberation Activity – GOLA

Thanks to the above 15 questions, I presented a picture of missing endeavours and projects that the existing liberation fronts and independence movements failed to either completely materialize or partly promote. The dire comparison of online references (searched in Google) to Palestinians and Oromos says it all: although triple in terms of population, the Oromos remain mainly unknown to the rest of the world.

Who can help you, if they don´t know you?

To mend the situation, I believe that all the Oromos must contribute to the formation of Groups of Oromo Liberation Activity – GOLA, which will be the vehicle to take the Oromos to the Independent Biyya Oromo. I will examine now how the GOLA will be incepted, how they will function, and how they will keep Amhara intruders faraway.

Every three or four Oromos who personally know one another well can form one GOLA unit. This already means that all three or four are determined to do all it takes to bring Oromia as independent state back to life. They should be ready to die for this holy purpose or even physically eliminate any Abyssinian invader and settler, any foreign, illegal and inimical resident of Oromia´s territory.

The struggle for National Independence and Liberation is not a salon for pleasant stories and nice narratives; those who are not ready to physically eliminate any Abyssinian invader and settler, any foreign, illegal and inimical resident of Oromia´s territory, should desist and live as slaves, because they are slaves and not free humans.

In all parts of the world, a struggle for National Independence and Liberation means blood, killings, fights, attacks and violence. The same will happen in the mountains, the plains and the plateaus of Oromia that will prove to be the field of ultimate decimation and extermination of the criminal racist gangsters, the Amhara and Tigray Monophysitic Abyssinian invaders. Every Oromo must be ready for the most brutal act that will be needed in order to eradicate the filthy racist invader out of the Holy Land of Oromia.

However, a struggle for National Independence and Liberation does not reach its culmination in the very beginning but after a great, preparatory work; so, one must not think that the three or four people who will set up a GOLA unit will be immediately versed into attacks against the criminal and illegally present in Finfinnee Amhara racists.

In a liberation struggle, the question of time plays a key role; no one will take you seriously, if you suggest that it will last 40 years! That´s too much. But it will not happen in 6 months, and certainly this minimal span of time is not enough for the case of GOLA that launches a fresh approach, starting from scratch.

At this point, it is important to ask ourselves how much time has been spent for the liberation struggle in Oromia; if we consider the establishment of the OLF as a marking point (1973), it has already been 37 years! How fast has the time passed! If we go back to the death of the last king of Jimma, we will be constrained to count approximately 77 years! It looks long…

The aforementioned serves as basic understanding; when one starts from scratch, time does not matter. As it is known, the Oromo liberation struggle has already lasted for some parts of Oromia more than 140 years; consequently, the Oromos who passionately want to set up the different GOLA units and lead the Oromo liberation struggle must forget the issue of time; it may be 10 years, it may be 15 years. Does it truly matter? Already more than 15 years of anti-Oromo Woyane regime have passed! And already more than 37 years have passed since the establishment of the OLF…..

As I suggested, just few people, three or four, who personally know one another very well are enough to set up a GOLA unit. This may look extraordinary and many may have the willingness to ask me the question "how three or four people will be able to overthrow an entire criminal regime?" and many other similar points.

The answer to this sort of questions is very simple; three or four people can truly overthrown an empire, if they believe they can (if you don´t believe it, stay at home and do nothing, just expect your death) and if they do the right thing at the right moment.

In fact, empires are idiotic and the Amhara criminal gangsters have been the most besotted people in the world; they are all intoxicated by the trash pseudo-theories of their illiterate and barbaric elites. The Truth in the minds, the thoughts, and the beliefs of the Oromos is an incomparable strength that can help outmaneuver the devices and the schemes of many. The reason Oromia has not yet been liberated is due to the lack of the correct know how.

It goes without saying that, if throughout Oromia only three or four people set up one GOLA unit, then certainly the effort will bring some fruits, but it will fall short of bringing the end of the illegal Amhara occupation of Finfinne and Oromia.

I personally believe that a great number of Oromos in occupied Oromia and in the Diaspora can set up dozens of thousands of GOLA units, thus advancing fast in the path of national liberation and independence. Again, this does not mean that, if within a month 1 million GOLA units will be formed, the liberation struggle will meet a successful end within a year! But the number of 1 million of Oromos being involved in the GOLA units is great; it means ca. 250000 units!

16. Ground work

One has to truly understand that ground work has to be carried out first; this is what was not done by the so far existing Oromo independence movements and liberation fronts, and this is the reason Oromia has not yet been liberated. Unless the ground work is done, even if Oromia is liberated through foreign intervention, the new, ´independent´ country will not truly be independent but a tool in the hands of the great powers that found interest in creating a new country in order to use it for some purpose of theirs; what a jolly and promising future!

That´s why when three or four Oromos meet in a room and set up a GOLA unit, the time disappears, and the interest about Oromo political parties, liberation movements, leaders and the likes, evaporates; there cannot be even a concern about what other Oromos do, and who is organized in another GOLA unit and who is not.

All that matters for the three or four Oromos, who are ready to form a GOLA unit, is their security and the work they may wish to carry out and thus contribute to the liberation of Oromia. The choice is free.

17. GOLA Security – Impenetrability

Security of a GOLA unit is a critical matter; perhaps not for the beginning but for a second stage of fight and struggle that may come after a year or two. However, the proper measures must be taken from now, from the very first moment, from the inception time of the GOLA unit.

All the Oromos may remember very well various narrations about, and denunciations of, Amhara fifth column inside this or that Oromo organization; this has nothing to do with solely the Oromos or Amharas, but it pertains to traditional forms of political leadership, which even when clandestine, can be successfully deviated from its original objectives. The entire story relates to infiltration tactics that consist in an entire chapter of the World Military History (typical modern use: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fifth_column).

GOLA units can prove to be Oromos´ only impenetrable organizations, and this is a sheer point of superiority vis-à-vis the current political formations. As I said, a GOLA unit can be established out of three or four people – only. There is – practically speaking – no need to have ten (10) people involved in a unit, at least in the very beginning. They will not make it stronger, but weaker.

Proper clandestine organization that remains impenetrable needs few, determined people at its original stage; suffice it that they know personally one another very well. Three or four people is a good number because what matters in the very beginning is the following:

1. the unit should be impenetrable by Amhara and Tigray Monophysitic Abyssinians, and

2. a great part of basic work has to be carried out.

The three or four persons, who agree to form a GOLA unit, must have known one another for many long years, eventually since their childhood; they must have shared for many long years the same approach to their Oromo identity, the same belief in the rise of an independent state of Oromia with capital at Finfinnee, the same conviction that the criminal Amhara and the Tigray – who are still today illegally on Oromia´s soil – must be expulsed by force out of the Land of Oromia that they sully through their barbaric presence, their fake and debilitated ideas, and their racist, anti-Oromo attitudes, schemes and hatred.

Never suggest to participate in a GOLA unit to someone whom you don´t know for many years, to anybody whose ideas have not been very well known to you, and to anyone who never expressed an explicit denial of the Amhara barbarism and anti-Oromo racism! You risk to fail dramatically.

Never imagine that, after having set your objectives, you will materialize them earlier than anticipated by inviting people whom you came to know just last week. There is no rush! Last week´s new acquaintance will acquire functional importance after five years of personal relationship.

And there is no need for interpersonal enthusiasm! Enthusiasm is very important at the level of the beliefs, the ideas, and the convictions; and enthusiasm is of seminal importance at the level of the work, the endeavour, the projects set as target.

Enthusiasm for the liberation of Oromia means passion for performance of (self-) assigned tasks, fervor for ceaseless contribution to the Common Cause, ardor for daily dedication to the GOLA projects, and excitement for result delivery; enthusiasm for the liberation of Oromia does not mean stupid joy for enrolling members, silly satisfaction for gathering in big numbers (when the necessary work is still not done) and inane happiness for raising funds at the time of mismanagement.

There is always a possibility that many are ineffective, whereas many times few prove to be the most effective; this must be always brought back in mind.

Top guarantee for effectiveness is security; never involve people whom you met recently. You can still be good friend with someone who will never know your involvement in a GOLA unit.

Useless to add that there is no need for publicity about you being a member in a GOLA unit. All that matters is the work you carry out – and its publicizing, as I will further analyze.

18. GOLA - Commitment

Another guarantee for effectiveness is commitment; do not get involved unless you are ready to give to the GOLA unit in which you belong all that is needed from your daily time, care, concern, and eventually some financial support.

At the first stage of work, there will be involved only Oromos who can write and read; only at the second stage of work, uneducated Oromos will be involved. In any case, literacy programs will have to be the purpose of work of several GOLA units.

Bear in mind, before establishing a GOLA unit, that you are bound only to the subjugated Oromo Nation, the traditional Oromo values and principles, ideals and rules. No law of the Abyssinian occupation forces is, or can ever be held as, of a certain value for you. The laws and the regulations of the racist state of fake ´Ethiopia´ are the world´s most disgusting excretion of governmental racism, bestiality and paranoia.

Anything that violates a law in Abyssinia (fallaciously re-baptized ´Ethiopia´) is an auspicious act; anything that helps utterly demolish the criminal pseudo-state ´Ethiopia´ is an act blessed by God. Simply, every Oromo engaged in a GOLA unit should be ready to do his/her ingenious best in order to escape Amhara and Tigray Monophysitic Abyssinian malignancy and evilness.

A GOLA unit must be launched at any time; today, tomorrow, after tomorrow, whenever three or four Oromos set up a meeting to discuss the idea, and to take the decision to see Oromia´s liberation as their own concern, work, and duty.

The number of works and endeavours, projects and undertakings needed at the first level is very high; of course, we cannot properly count them, as every project may be divided and subdivided into many. In fact, the necessary projects and endeavours may be at the level of some thousands of separate points. I will further expand on the subject in forthcoming articles.

What matters to be clarified here is that in fact there can be hundreds of thousands of GOLA units; they would involve millions of yet not mobilized Oromos whose commitment is essential for the national liberation effort.

Of course, when three or four people meet and decide about what task to assign to themselves, without contacting any other Oromo, it is very clear that they cannot know whether the subject they assign to themselves as task for a period of let´s say two years has already been undertaken by others in another part of Oromia or among the Diaspora. But this does not matter. It is of truly minor importance; some sections of the overall Oromo liberation project will certainly be available in duplicate or in a greater number of copies. This is to be expected, and there is nothing wrong in it.

When three or four Oromos meet to launch a GOLA unit, they must agree once forever for the time and the effort they are ready to accord to the project on daily basis. This must be an irreversible agreement, and must certainly involve an occupation of 3 to 5 hours on daily basis, and for at least five days per week. Relevant to the very patriotism of the involved Oromos, this commitment should be viewed as the top life choice, and all the rest must be consequently considered as secondary.

It will be better if, in every GOLA unit, small tasks are assigned (through an approach of subdividing endeavours and projects), and then following the completion of the first assignment, a second task could be agreed upon.

19. GOLA – Function

Now, I will expand on the function of the Groups of Oromo Liberation Activity (GOLA) and focalize on the projects and endeavours that Oromos have to undertake, organizing themselves in numerous small GOLA units, in order to lead the struggle for National Independence.

As every GOLA unit consists of three or four Oromos, they will have to arrange their time schedule under best terms of time management. With the subdivision of the work done and agreed upon, they will be able to arrange the sequence of their meetings and the proceedings of their work.

Some GOLA units will need Internet connection, whereas others will necessitate simple PCs for their projects´ elaboration. When a project will be completed, then Internet connection will be needed for the proper diffusion, but this may come after six months, or more - one year or two.

Several GOLA units will definitely have to be established in Finfinnee and will involve contacts with embassies and consulates; other GOLA units will need to be close to remote villages or their members will have to travel often to these places.

There will be GOLA units with such a project scope that it will be up to Diaspora Oromos to undertake their formation and proceedings.

These initial notes help clarify that in this effort of the entire Oromo Nation, all the Oromos have to contribute according to their possibilities, advantages, knowledge, and relevance. This is critical, because it helps harmonize all parts of the Oromo Nation. I will therefore give an example.

There is a need to write down traditional Oromo poetry that has been preserved orally - through the ages.

And there is a need to write letters to US Senators and Congressmen to inform them about issues of Human Rights violations carried out against the Oromos.

The common understanding is that three Oromos in Dembi Dollo may not have the facilities and the capacity needed to properly address US Senators and Congressmen in English; perhaps they may have no Internet connection or not even a computer. There is no need for them to assign this task to themselves.

On the contrary, they can certainly collect and write down all the traditional Oromo poetry that can be possibly registered in Dembi Dollo. They can write it on paper or, if they happen to have a computer, in many Microsoft Word documents. They can even raise among themselves the fund needed for video and tape recording of samples of the local poetry. Part of the fund raised may at the end be used for a trip to Finfinnee, as this will be needed in order to facilitate contacts with others and the uploading of the project on the web (blog and website).

Through this, it becomes clear that everyone willing to contribute to the Groups of Oromo Liberation Activity (GOLA) and the liberation of Oromia should configure his/her tasks on the basis of his/her possibilities.

The aforementioned approach demonstrates also the need for some GOLA units of awareness; but this is part of the projects and endeavours that should be undertaken by several GOLA units in occupied Oromia. Oromo villagers living in remote areas should be contacted and mobilized by the GOLA units of awareness. Thus, although in remote places, they will be stimulated to form their own GOLA units and carry out the tasks that they can possibly undertake.

However, on the other hand, two GOLA units may carry out projects that are related to one another, without the GOLA members obligatorily knowing one another; one GOLA unit may undertake the project ´Violations of Civil Rights in Parts of Borana´. They may launch a (UK - based) website (as one member may be in London, one in Finfinnee and two in Borana) specialized on this.

Three other Oromos, living in three different European capitals, although totally unrelated to the aforementioned GOLA, as soon as they notice the project and the website, may assign to themselves the regular translation of the website´s texts to German, Italian, Dutch and French, and the management of the four respective websites.

Again, another four Oromos, unrelated to the aforementioned two GOLA units, may give themselves the task of diffusing the news, reports, features and articles of the aforementioned websites (the original and those dedicated to its translations) to all the members of parliaments, all the political parties, members of academies, professors of faculties of Economics and Politics, NGOs, religious, cultural and social associations in all the countries involved and many more.

What projects, endeavours and tasks must be carried out at the primary stage in order to promote the Oromo liberation struggle and drive the Oromos to the most desired, ultimate goal of National Independence?

20. Basic Directions for GOLA Projects and Endeavours

There are four basic directions of activities to undertake, two internal and two external; by ´internal´ I mean activities to be carried among Oromos, which implies that mere knowledge of Afaan Oromo is enough as qualification (not for all of them however). Furthermore, the term ´external´ refers to outreach activities vis-à-vis all independent states and all other subjugated nations.

The four basic directions of activities of the GOLA members are the following:

1. Propagation of the Oromo Cause at the international level. This is an external direction.

2. Denigration of the Amhara and Tigray Monophysitic Abyssinian barbarism, racism, totalitarianism, historical forgery, inhumanity, sociopolitical misery and meanness, obduracy and malignancy at the international level. This is also an external direction.

3. Collection of information pertaining to the Oromo Nation (from Human Rights violations to cultural, historical, economic, political and social issues). This is an internal direction; it is clearly understood that without this range of activities, the aforementioned type no 1 of activities will be very difficult or impossible to materialize (or poorly materialized and ineffective).

4. Promotion of the Oromo solidarity and political – military cooperation. This is also an internal direction.

The Oromo struggle for liberation and national independence hinges on wide propagation of any Oromo – related issue. There must be more than 20 Departments of Kushitic and Oromo Studies throughout the world. The activities carried out by GOLA units will not create these departments, but will certainly make the need felt by different academic, intellectual and journalistic establishments in various countries.

Oromo – related issues must become the subject of precipitated bibliography, frequent articles and features, reports, lectures and public speeches, radio and TV emissions throughout the world.

Some Oromo must give themselves the challenging task of learning a foreign language and becoming sort of ambassadors of good will for the sake of their subjugated nation.

Further advancing, I will now enumerate the basic tasks per category of activity as per above. I will focalize on possible projects and endeavours (the list is not exhaustive), starting by direction no 3 in the previous article of the series.

21. Collection of Information Pertaining to the Oromo Nation

As I already said, this covers a very wide range of issues and topics from Human Rights violations to cultural, historical, economic, political and social issues. This direction is of seminal importance because the result of activities deployed in this circle will greatly affect those working in the propagation of the Oromo Cause at the international level (referred to as direction no 1 – external, in the previous article).

The following points are just indicative of what can be delivered by small groups of Oromo activists working within a Group of Oromo Liberation Activity (GOLA) unit.

Point 1. A Repertory of All Oppressive Acts Carried Out (in a Particular Area) Against the Oromos on Daily Basis

It goes without saying that a single GOLA unit cannot cover the entire Oromia. In fact, many GOLA units must be established, perhaps one per town, and at times one per village. They must set up a list in chronological order, starting with the day of the GOLA unit inception; the list must contain every act of oppression, every action of discrimination carried out by governmental authorities (of any level – federal, regional, local) against every single Oromo. The area for which the task will be assigned by the GOLA unit members must be screened and monitored on daily basis. In regard with the area concerned, the GOLA unit must become the primary and most authoritative source of information.

The list must be linked with the repertory´s main part in which analytical description of every case listed will be available in Afaan Oromo; if the GOLA unit members working on the Human Rights violations repertory project are able to translate the material to English, it will be fine.

Otherwise, beyond their ceaseless and careful monitoring, beyond their vast contacts with local people (who will be their real source of information), and beyond their analytical description of every case (involving eventually pictures and video clips), all they have to do is to put everything on the web.

This means that it would be perfect if this type of GOLA units consisted of 2 or 3 Oromos living in occupied Oromia (preferably in provinces) and 1 Oromo from the Diaspora, who would help with the website (or blog) without the cruel and inhuman, totalitarian authorities of the Abyssinian tyranny being able to control anything.

If the founding members of a GOLA unit happen not to know any Oromo living abroad, and they are not residents in a large city, everything is still possible. They will have to raise a small fund that will enable one member to travel to a big city with Internet connection, and there manage to upload everything on the web. Contacting Oromo websites´ and portals´ webmasters and bloggers will be the way for the little experienced in the Internet to get familiarized and manage to upload their critical importance data and work on the web. Uploading could be periodical on weekly or bi-monthly basis.

One may contend that it would be enough for the GOLA unit member to upload the data in the form of an article written in Afaan Oromo, which could be published in any major Oromo portal, like Ayyaantuu, Bilisummaa, Oromoindex, oromiatimes.multiply.com, free-oromia-free-oromia.blogspot.com, etc. Although this would be logical and sensible, it is not advisable. The reason is simple. The number of existing Oromo websites, fora, portals and blogspots is very small. It must get increased tenfold as soon as possible. That´s why a new Oromo website, particularly if it is specialized in a subject, matters much. The big Oromo portals and selected world media, and NGOs must be contacted and informed at a later stage, but this would be the work of another GOLA unit.

The danger in this sort of work is the normal inclination of everyone to deliver more, to cover a wider span, and to demonstrate a more comprehensive data record. There will always be the tendency to set up a GOLA unit with focus on a very wide area, let´s say the entire Borana Land or Arsi Land, instead of a particular - geographically small – area. This attitude does not offer more, as many may surmise, because more width signifies less depth, and this is particularly wrong.

In fact, when it comes to reports of Human Rights violations perpetrated against Oromos, what matters is in-depth monitoring, complete cataloging of every act, and analytical narrative of every case. This can be successfully done by a small group of 3 or 4 Oromos only if they focalize on daily basis on a very small part of Oromia.

The entire Oromia may need more than 3000 GOLA units to be properly covered, with every unit being specialized on a small part of the country´s territory.

But, what level of global awareness about the Oromos would we have already reached, had 3000 websites (specialized on Human Rights violations perpetrated against Oromos) been established by (just 12000) Oromo activists ready to dedicate 4 or 5 hours from their daily program to the Oromo Cause?

Point 2. Oppression Against Oromos - Repertory Classification

This is a secondary level of work, executed on the aforementioned, but it can be done as soon as Point 1 activities have admittedly been undertaken by several hundreds of GOLA units.

The Repertory Classification (per type of oppression and discrimination) would provide with a classification of the different types of Abyssinian oppression and discrimination practiced against the Oromos; with the acts of tyranny and oppression presented under this form, the Abyssinian tyranny, which is exercised throughout Occupied Oromia, would become known allover the world. As the Point 1 repertories would be getting enlarged on daily basis, the classified repertory should be adjusted on daily basis as well.

Point 3. A Black Book of the Illegal Abyssinian Occupation of Oromia

This does not concern the present and the future but the past; instead of representing a type of scholarly research made on the basis of the existing bibliographical documentation and historical sources, it should emanate out of an ethological – sociological approach, involving the collection of hundreds of thousands of interviews with Oromos who experienced the vicious and inhuman, perfidious and pernicious, racist character of the Abyssinian tyranny and illegal occupation.

Before its liberation from the barbaric and evil Abyssinian pestilence, the Oromo Nation needs to deliver this historical opus to posterior Oromo generations. In fact, all the Oromos should participate in this project that can support the establishment of 25000 GOLA units (so, a total number of 100000 Oromo activists may be needed to work on this).

The project should start with the recording of memories of the elders and the experience of the aged people, involving pictures, tape recording and video clips. Any personal memorabilia related to Oromos´ personal exposure to the Abyssinian tyranny should also be mentioned and photographed. In fact, the entire Oromo Nation must speak out narrating all types of experience they have been exposed to. The project could easily reach the level of millions of printed pages, and it will be of unsurpassed impact at the international level.

Interviewees should also be asked about tyranny and oppressive policies practiced against their ancestors; killings, tortures, humiliation, imprisonment, land expropriation, property usurpation and any denial of Civil and Human Rights must be recorded and classified separately from every interviewee´s confessions.

The best way to carry out this enormous project is to focus on personal, family and neighborhood levels; several GOLA units may assign to themselves the task of examining whether remote villages and hamlets have been taken in charge by locally established GOLA units; if not, GOLA units established by Oromos in big cities must take care of the remote villages´ populations and of their experience of the Abyssinian tyranny.

Useless to add, the collection of material should be here followed by the uploading of all the data on separate websites of blogs on the web. The overall project is perhaps the largest to be undertaken, and could thus take up to five (5) years to be completed for several parts of Oromia.

Point 4. Aspects of Cultural and Spiritual Genocide Perpetrated against the Oromos

Contrarily to the previous project that evolves around people and their experience (as well as that of their ancestors), this project concerns facts pertaining to cultural and spiritual genocide that took place in the past.

Desecration of Oromo shrines and holy places, perturbation of Oromo religious ceremonies, illegal building of Abyssinian churches, prohibition of Oromo religious practices, interruption of social traditions and practices, governmental acts contradicting the Oromo social hierarchy and its rules and regulations are to be recorded and related narratives collected, properly classified, and finally uploaded on the Internet. The correct approach would be topographical. Every GOLA unit should concentrate their efforts in collecting data and narrations from a certain limited area, some villages or a town. As this category of data involves narratives, pictures, tape recording and video clips should become a matter of concern.

This project can be very widely publicized on the web; in fact every event – act of genocide – for which a long narrative is collected, along with pictures and possible audio and video files, could be accommodated in a separate website or blog.

Point 5. Oromo Literary Heritage

This point can become the reason of existence for a great number of GOLA units. It should involve the complete recording of the Oromo Oral Literature. Popular wisdom (proverbs, sayings, admonitions, and narratives), all types of prose and poetry, from fairy tales to wedding songs, and from popular prayers to any type of incantations has to be collected and comprehensively made available on the web. Here, I do not mean academic recording for further philological research; I simply stress the need of just writing down in Afaan Oromo what risks being lost with the disappearance of the elder generations.

Point 6. Oromo Cultural Heritage

This is an even vaster subject; it involves the complete recording of the Oromo traditional social and family life. The work needed should not be of academic standards as it will not be the source of an ethnographical research. What is needed is proper recording – at the very first level only in Afaan Oromo – of what risks being lost with the disappearance of the elder generations.

Records should encompass narratives about the traditional professional activities (written down as performed on annual basis), the social events and circumstances, the private life dealings and actions, interpretations of social and personal phenomena, descriptions of traditions and customs, historical records, and the personal memoirs of the elders. Every act related to the last Oromo kings should be recorded as kept in the memory of Oromo elders who are still alive.

Point 7. Oromo Religious Heritage

Another critical circle of topics that have to be recorded thanks to the volunteering work of a great number of GOLA units is Waaqeffannaa, the historical Oromo religion. Recording traditional beliefs narrated by elder Oromos, writing down prayers and rituals, expanding on religious interpretations of natural phenomena, and offering polarizations around any topic of theoretical context are some of the tasks numerous GOLA units can ascribe to themselves, launching a great number of related websites and blogs.

Point 8. The Pantheon of the Oromo Resistance

Any nation, particularly if still not independent, has to honour heroes and pioneering leaders who contributed greatly to the nation´s survival, progress and reassertion. At this very moment, there are still alive a few Oromos, who may have lived as young children and/or adolescents at the times of Abba Jifar II (died 1932), and even more numerous Oromos who may remember details from the days of Abba Jofir (died in the 60s); furthermore, the memory of Oromo poets, like Jaarso Waaqo, and generals, like Waaqo Guutuu, must be kept alive forever. The collection of narratives from the part of people who lived along with these immortal Oromos has great value, and should be undertaken by several GOLA units.

With respect to the Collection of Information Pertaining to the Oromo Nation, the aforementioned eight points are of seminal importance, without being however exhaustive.

Resistance and national liberation groups and fighters must understand that a subjugated nation does not have the privilege of waiting the independence day in order to save its historical records.

On the other hand, these historical records, properly and adequately diffused worldwide, consist in the best branding for a nation in struggle for independence.

Instead of waiting to be known as rebel groups fighting against the invader´s army, the Oromos must first do their ingenious best to become worldwide known as the custodians of Africa´s Supreme Originality and the paragons of the Kushitic Ethiopian Heritage that the barbaric, cannibalistic Amhara Monophysitic Abyssinians cannot and should not be allowed to further sully by usurping it, fallaciously portraying it as relevant to them, and illegally evoking it.

In a forthcoming article, I will expand on the remaining three directions of activities that other Group of Oromo Liberation Activity (GOLA) units should be committed to support and promote.


All the original articles, titles and links:

The Search for Oromo Leadership


A Transcendental Approach to the Need for Oromo Leadership – Part I


A Transcendental Approach to the Need for Oromo Leadership – Part II


A Transcendental Approach to the Need for Oromo Leadership – Part III


Every Oromo: A Leader in the Oromia Liberation Struggle (Part IV)


Groups of Oromo Liberation Activity (GOLA) and the Liberation of Oromia (Part V)


What the Groups of Oromo Liberation Activity (GOLA) Must Do to Liberate Oromia (Part VI)


Groups of Oromo Liberation Activity – Ground Work for the Liberation of Oromia (Part VII)



Picture: The present administrative map of the colonial, pseudo-federal state of Abyssinia is a fake. All eastern and southern regions of the so-called Amhara province belong to Oromia. The same for areas of the said province that are close to the Sudanese borderlines; Amharas inhabit only in the central parts of today´s administrative province Amhara.

From: http://abagond.wordpress.com/2009/05/15/ethiopia/